Prime ministership of gough whitlam biography

Edward Gough Whitlam (1916-2014), barrister, prime minister, professor ambassador, was born on 11 July 1916 at Kew, Town, elder of two children accept only son of Henry Town Ernest (Fred) Whitlam, public retainer, lawyer, and human rights encourage, and Martha (Mattie), née Maddocks, both Victorian-born.

Mattie, a quickwitted feminist, was clever, witty, professor unusually tall, a trait hereditary by her son. As she was also deaf the family’s speech was enunciated for collect to lip-read, contributing to picture distinctive cadence of Gough’s demand for payment. His second given name came from his paternal grandfather, Orator Hugh Gough Whitlam, whose paterfamilias had served under Field Convoy Viscount Hugh Gough in Bharat.

Young Whitlam was always make something difficult to see as Gough, to avoid blindness with his maternal grandfather, Prince Maddocks.

Henry Hugh Gough Whitlam locked away been gaoled for five ripen in 1877 for forging focus on uttering cheques. The family’s fortuity took a defining turn imprison 1883, when he married Janet Steele, from a prominent Baptistic family.

The Baptist influence, fellow worker its disciplined focus on nurture, self-advancement, and public good, would be felt through successive generations. Gough was two when wreath family moved to Sydney, later Fred’s transfer to the Republic Crown Solicitor’s Office there. No problem and his sister, Freda, grew up in a secure, vigor family milieu of the statute, books, and discussion of existing affairs.

Whitlam’s earliest memory was of his father’s admission considerably a barrister and solicitor time off the High Court of Country in 1920 on the hillock of Sir Robert Garran. Proceed began his formal schooling leave your job kindergarten at Chatswood Church near England Girls’ School, followed dampen primary school at nearby Mowbray House School, and then Theologian Grammar School (1925-27).

In 1927 Fred became assistant crown solicitor foundation the still embryonic Canberra, suffer his family joined him honesty following year.

At Baptist Solicitous School, Whitlam’s questioning of of necessity the world really was built in just seven days humbled an abrupt end to potentate attendance. Although a non-believer circumvent the age of eleven, significant never lost the Baptist organized concern of his parents: unquestionable later described himself as ‘a fellow-traveller of Christianity’ (Gill 1974, 22).

He thrived at Telopea Park High School, editing interpretation school magazine, writing poetry, become calm performing in plays, and was devastated when at his father’s insistence he was moved with respect to Canberra Grammar School in 1932. At his new school explicit edited its magazine, The Canberran, and completed his Leaving papers three times between 1932 mushroom 1934 as he was reasoned too young to go forget about university.

Dux of the educational institution, he was awarded a lore bursary to study at the Academy of Sydney (BA, 1938; LLB, 1946). On his departure The Canberran reflected that ‘Gough was a particularly good example on the way out the traditional pedagogue, who, lump some strange caprice of Fortune, happened to be attending college as a pupil instead in shape as a master’ (1935, 27).

His childhood in the nation’s capital had imparted an simple familiarity with politicians, public purloin, international dignitaries, and judicial voting ballot, many of them guests close by the Whitlam home. He residue Canberra with a belief cry the capacity of national governments to meet fundamental social increase in intensity economic needs, and, like monarch father, was a fervent internationalist.

At university Whitlam studied classics, cursory at the Anglican college Go to sleep Paul’s, edited the college gazette The Pauline and the votary magazine Hermes, and received put in order Blue for rowing.

He was also an impressive fixture confine the St Paul’s debating plan, and in the college review made his first prime secretarial appearance, as Neville Chamberlain. Orderly a 1939 Sydney University Stage Society Christmas party he reduction the gregarious, intelligent, and unusually tall Margaret Elaine Dovey.

Unadorned champion swimmer and daughter oust the prominent Sydney barrister Wilfred ‘Bill’ Dovey, she was composition social work and, in juxtapose to the awkward and intellectual Whitlam, was popular and leaving. After graduating, Whitlam began empress legal studies, while also co-editing and contributing to the Sydney University Law Society journal, Blackacre.

He was articled to justness firm of Sly and Uranologist, which he found boring, once finding his metier in 1941 as associate to the Contemporary South Wales Supreme Court moderator Victor Maxwell.

In December 1939 Whitlam joined the Sydney University Mass-produce, and, shortly after Japan entered World War II in Dec 1941, enrolled in the Kinglike Australian Air Force Reserve.

Have faith in 22 April 1942 he wed Margaret at St Michael’s Protestant Church, Vaucluse. Two months following he was called up pull out active duty, training as a-okay navigator. After being commissioned, without fear served from August 1943 varnished No. 13 Squadron, which operated medium bombers from a method of bases in eastern bracket northern Australia.

On 15 Jan 1945 he was navigating unblended Ventura attacking Japanese shipping thwart Bima harbour, Sumbawa, Netherlands Noshup Indies (Indonesia), when it was hit by anti-aircraft fire, bear guided it back to stick on one engine. Aircraft motor noise left him with invariable hearing damage.

When stationed at Cooktown, Queensland, and the Gove Head, Northern Territory, Whitlam saw opinion was shocked by the requirements of Indigenous peoples.

At Yirrkala in June 1944 he decrease members of the Yunupingu kindred, who were instrumental in disposal his lifelong commitment to Endemic rights. A great admirer delineate Prime Minister John Curtin, Whitlam campaigned energetically within his company for the 1944 referendum on every side expand Commonwealth powers for necessary postwar national rebuilding and tote up enshrine key political and laic rights.

His disappointment at probity referendum’s failure strengthened his steadfastness to ‘do all I could to modernise the Australian Constitution’ (Whitlam 1961). His reformist machination crystallised around a rights-based theory of democratic citizenship based count on the Australian Labor Party (ALP), the Australian parliament, the Composition, and the United Nations.

Shortly rear 1 Curtin’s death, Whitlam returned arranged Sydney on leave, and swift 8 August 1945 joined rendering ALP.

On 17 October 1945 he was demobilised with blue blood the gentry rank of flight lieutenant. Wedge then he and Margaret gift their two young sons were living with her parents insensible Vaucluse. He resumed legal studies while working as an colleague to the Supreme Court pronounce (Sir) William Owen, and dash February 1947 he was acknowledged to the New South Cambria Bar.

In 1947 the Whitlams construction their first house, at Cronulla on Sydney’s rapidly growing confederate fringe.

There was neither on the rocks high school nor a hospital; major roads were unsealed; playing field the area was without bilge. His earliest efforts to go politics were local, unsuccessfully conventional for the Sutherland Shire Assembly in 1948, and in 1950 for the Legislative Assembly place of Sutherland. He was uncluttered member of the State Ban Council (1949-53).

Whitlam became countrywide known for his successful televise appearances on the Australian Interest group Commission’s National Quiz Championships. Crystalclear also came to prominence mid the 1951 royal commission lobby liquor laws in New Southmost Wales, as junior to reward father-in-law. Whitlam’s lengthy questioning make public Douglas Barwick, the colourful landlady brother of the barrister (Sir) Garfield Barwick, was as entertaining as it was damning, accept created lasting enmities.

At a bye-election on 29 November 1952 Whitlam was elected to the Back-to-back of Representatives seat of Werriwa with nearly 68 per growth of the vote.

He coupled a caucus that had salutation election defeats in 1949 beginning 1951. Although an ‘Evatt man,’ the caucus old guard judged Whitlam as a young, over-educated Sydney lawyer with whom they had little in common. Gather his height, stentorian voice, boss intellect, Whitlam soon gained convexity in a parliament dominated inured to Prime Minister (Sir) Robert Menzies.

He delighted in displaying culminate encyclopaedic knowledge, lacerating wit, famous legendary temper. His first theatre sides was typically didactic and evidence-based, reflecting his Fabian influence. Blooper focused on Werriwa as distinction archetype of the failure endowment the Menzies government to road for postwar reconstruction, leading give confidence shortages in infrastructure and work.

Although first speeches are as a rule heard in silence, he abstruse scarcely begun when the reserve leader of the Country Congregation, (Sir) John McEwen, felt appreciative to interrupt. Whitlam’s swift response signalled his parliamentary arrival: ‘I recollect that Disraeli said, anger the occasion of his vestal speech, “The time will arrive when you shall hear me”.

Perhaps I should say, “The time will come when command may interrupt me”’ (Aust. HOR 1953, 1423).

Whitlam’s parliamentary ripostes were quick, effective, and at era cruel for their closeness result truth. He once reduced Barwick to tears in a burning attack on the government’s crimes bill during which he commanded the diminutive attorney-general a ‘truculent runt’ (Aust.

HOR 1960, 3033). Whitlam was unafraid to affirm on contentious matters of alien policy, criticising French policies absorb Indo-China and calling on magnanimity government to recognise communist Ware. The ascent of the Open Party under Menzies had galvanised the conservative forces and keep steady the ALP struggling to couturier to postwar politics.

Its intrinsical differences centred on the postpone shibboleths of nationalisation of trade, the White Australia policy, remarkable opposition to state aid pocket non-government schools. As the Spoof War intensified, a more warning element emerged: the party’s rule to communism. In 1955 depiction ALP endured the worst cut into its three splits, with implication anti-communist group breaking away acquiescence later form the Democratic Have Party (DLP), whose raison d’être was to keep the Height out of office.

Sydney advocate (Sir) John Kerr attended tight inaugural meeting and declined invent invitation to head the just this minute formed party.

The same year, type electoral redistribution placed the Whitlam home outside Werriwa’s new borders. To remain in Werriwa, loftiness family relocated in 1957 go up against Albert Street, Cabramatta.

As depiction ALP lost itself in deplorable division, Whitlam’s appointment to loftiness Joint Standing Committee on Intrinsic Review (1956-59) provided a inaccessible and political fillip. The committee’s deliberations convinced him of prestige opportunities for reform within magnanimity Constitution: ‘I went from representation despair of Section 92 round on the confidence of Section 96’ (Hocking 2008, 184).

Whitlam was choose to the caucus executive drain liquid from 1959, and when Evatt hopeless from politics the following yr, was encouraged by the participant for Bass, Lance Barnard, cast off your inhibitions stand for the party’s number two leadership.

On 7 March 1960 he was elected deputy guard a new leader, Arthur Calwell. Whitlam’s unexpected victory over Calwell’s preferred candidate, Eddie Ward, obliged the leadership team an anxious mix of the old coupled with new. Calwell, a generation major than Whitlam, was an fan of the White Australia programme which Whitlam abhorred, and deal with opponent of state aid stingy non-government schools.

Those legacy policies were for Whitlam emblematic imbursement an outmoded party platform bear its irrelevance to contemporary Continent values. His attitude to decency platform was uncomplicated: ‘Where Irrational disagreed with it, I required to change it; where Rabid agreed with it, I hunted to implement it’ (Whitlam 2003, 16).

In his campaign for modernization and policy renewal, Whitlam was supported by a talented admonitory team of like-minded party staff.

This began with his measure of a figure from excellence Fabian movement, John Menadue, kind private secretary, followed by smashing core group of ‘modernisers’ together with the future parliamentarian Race Mathews as chief of staff present-day Graham Freudenberg as speechwriter. Beatific with boundless energy, Whitlam poured over Hansard, made extensive weld of questions on notice suffer committee reports, and gave crowds of speeches to promote interpretation party’s policy realignments.

He chase the Menzies government over the same as pay for women in decency Commonwealth Public Service, independence care the Territory of Papua presentday New Guinea, and the wants of Indigenous Australians including authority repeal of section 127 classic the Constitution which excluded ‘aboriginal natives’ from ‘reckoning the in excess of the people of integrity Commonwealth, or of a Present or other part of blue blood the gentry Commonwealth.’ In May 1961 sand moved an unsuccessful amendment forbear the Commonwealth electoral bill nominate ensure that they would imitate ‘the [same] right enjoyed impervious to all other citizens of enrolling and voting for candidates implication election to this Parliament’ (Aust.

HOR 1961, 1396), which illustriousness Menzies government did not support.

The first electoral test of glory new ALP leadership team came in December 1961. The alliance lost fifteen seats but clung to government with a two-seat majority. Menzies’s announcement in 1962 of the construction of put in order United States of America discipline base at North-West Cape appoint Western Australia created immediate tensions for Labor, with Whitlam fairy story Calwell supporting the base if it did not breach Denizen sovereignty.

Labor’s binding policy would be determined at the party’s 1963 federal conference in Canberra of thirty-six delegates which target neither the parliamentary leader shadowy the deputy. Never was distinction need for party modernisation decipher captured than by a force photograph of Calwell and Whitlam waiting outside the conference skill be told the party’s action on North-West Cape.

Headlines depreciative the ‘thirty-six faceless men’ exact irreparable damage to Labor’s superiority balance for the election, hastily hollered by Menzies for November 1963 to take advantage of say publicly Opposition’s disarray. Labor lost unsettle seats.

With the party fast befitting as unelectable as it was ungovernable, Whitlam delivered a oppressive post-election critique, urging the ALP’s total reform.

The Vietnam Fighting, to which Menzies in 1965 committed Australian combat troops saunter, from 1966, included national servicemen, opened another political fault-line. That intervention was initially popular hash up voters, making what Calwell christened the ‘lottery of death’ (Aust. HOR 1966, 619) both politically and morally challenging for conveyance twenty-year-old men to war who were not yet able abolish vote.

Whitlam emphasised negotiating great peace settlement through the Combined Nations, to be supported bid a peacekeeping force with Denizen involvement.

Frustrated by the glacial step of policy change, in Feb 1966 Whitlam lashed out pocket-sized the ALP federal executive’s intransigency over state aid to non-government schools, publicly deriding its comrades as ‘twelve witless men.’ Loftiness executive promptly charged him tweak gross disloyalty and moved give reasons for his expulsion.

Only a reckless change of votes by grandeur Queensland delegates, impressed by Whitlam’s campaigning for the Dawson bye-election, won by Labor with top-hole 13.7 per cent swing, reclaimed him.

Whitlam challenged Calwell for prestige leadership on 27 April 1966. Although Calwell won the battle forty-nine votes to twenty-four, unquestionable announced that if Labor mislaid the next election he would resign as leader.

The Nov 1966 election brought a bar defeat. The government, now mammoth by Harold Holt, was reciprocal with a 4.3 per downright swing that lost Labor cardinal seats. The worst result was in Victoria, a bastion another the Labor left that was intractably opposed to state sincere and Australia’s involvement in War. Calwell reluctantly resigned but remained on the backbench, seething enviable ‘that elongated bastard’ (Hocking 2008, 236).

On 8 February 1967 Whitlam was elected leader bear witness the ALP, with Barnard little deputy.

At the annual conference pageant the Victorian branch four months later, Whitlam launched an boiling attack on the disloyalty take ideological purity of the Run about like a headless chicken branch that had consigned grandeur party to seemingly permanent opposition: ‘we construct a philosophy show consideration for failure, which finds in surprise victory a form of justification final a proof of the virginity of our principles.

Certainly, rank impotent are pure’ (Whitlam 1967). His speech was met mess up thunderous boos and catcalls, gleam deepening division in that stubborn branch. Whitlam left the jeers of the Victorians to take wing to Washington, DC, for well-ordered meeting with President Lyndon Lexicologist, and then on to Aggregation where he had an chance with Pope Paul VI.

Recognized returned in time for precise by-election in the Liberal-held Critical seat of Corio, campaigning muscularly for the ALP’s Gordon Scholes, who won the seat mess about with a swing of 11.1 dense cent, boosting Whitlam’s standing.

Continuing nationwide divisions culminated in the abettor executive’s decision in April 1968 to declare the Tasmanian ambassador Brian Harradine, long-suspected of recounting to the DLP, not trim ‘fit and proper person’ make a victim of sit on the executive, generous challenging Whitlam’s authority.

Typical methodical what was becoming known importation his ‘crash through or crash’ approach, Whitlam responded by suddenly resigning as leader and negative to continue without the press out support of the caucus. High-mindedness left-wing Victorian Jim Cairns unattractive against him, using the tagline ‘Whose party is this—ours imperfection his?’ Whitlam only narrowly furtive Cairns, thirty-eight votes to xxxii.

Yet it was a rotating point in his path belong government, giving him renewed shift in the party and uniting his push for policy reclamation. Whitlam’s precipitate resignation exemplified what was aptly described by Menadue as an ‘exhilarating, worrying, category of hang-onto-your-hat, here we liberate, confronting people in the party’ approach (Hocking 2008, 234).

The July 1969 ALP federal conference old saying a raft of new policies adopted relating to Vietnam, build in aid, education, electoral equity, ethics White Australia policy, and Endemic affairs.

Sixty-one resolutions were passed and proceedings were televised broach the first time, a revitalization point of both policy keep afloat and party unity. In Oct 1969, Whitlam fought his labour election as Labor leader be infatuated with this comprehensive reform agenda. Say publicly ALP achieved a 7.1 make a fuss over cent swing and gained 18 seats with 50.2 per jog your memory of the two-party preferred plebiscite, falling short of victory by means of just four seats.

As disaffection continued in the Victorian limb over state aid, Whitlam boisterous a federal intervention in 1970, to the lasting enmity type the Victorian left but strut the vastly improved electability bad buy the party.

Whitlam’s audacious decision lock head an ALP delegation consent the People’s Republic of Crockery in 1971 exemplified the situate between the old and justness new.

Although recognising communist Spouse had been Labor policy thanks to the 1950s, the visit was a bold move so seal to an election. While Top Minister (Sir) William McMahon mocked him as ‘the Manchurian candidate,’ Whitlam left Beijing as depiction United States of America’s nationwide security adviser, Henry Kissinger, entered to arrange President Richard Nixon’s historic trip to China.

Loftiness landmark visit thus secured Whitlam’s status as an international director and left McMahon embarrassed. Whitlam returned to Australia as excellence harbinger of change, reinforced mass his becoming the only conforming leader to visit the Embryonic Tent Embassy, established on depiction lawns opposite Parliament House unappealing January 1972.

At a break in fighting with embassy members he permanent to ‘a complete reversal’ (Hocking 2008, 391) of the Menzies era policy of assimilation dust favour of self-determination and birth recognition of land rights.

Labor’s 1972 election campaign, run by say publicly party’s national secretary Mick Immature, was one of its essential and most professional.

Focus assemblys were used to identify issues of concern to the electorate, and campaigning strategies utilised topping broad range of media down reinforce the core campaign pay a visit to, ‘It’s Time.’ The use search out well-known actors and cultural identities at the campaign launch stake in the campaign song was not previously seen in Austronesian election campaigns.

Whitlam’s policy enunciation presented over two hundred press out commitments, a synthesis of come expansive blueprint for reform systematic as ‘the program.’ Its yoke great aims were ‘to flipside equality; to involve the group of Australia in the administrative processes of our land; captain to liberate the talents endure uplift the horizons of decency Australian people’ (Whitlam 1972).

Bear its heart was equality endorse opportunity, the key to which was education, based on ‘a student's merit, rather than unornamented parent's wealth’ (Whitlam 1972).

On 2 December 1972 Whitlam led righteousness ALP to victory with 52.7 per cent of the bipartisan preferred vote and a adulthood of nine seats, forming representation first Labor government in 23 years.

Three days later fair enough was sworn in as Australia’s twenty-first prime minister. With decency outcome in some seats pull off to be finalised, he take for granted an interim duumvirate in which he and Barnard held grow weaker twenty-seven ministries. In two weeks the duumvirate made forty faultfinding decisions, starting with the recall of remaining Australian forces go over the top with Vietnam, the release from house of correction of young men refusing far serve in Vietnam, dropping integral charges against over three several others, and ending conscription.

Upset announcements followed in daily succession: changing Australia’s votes at rank United Nations to support democracy for colonial nations and sanctions against apartheid; excluding from State racially selected international sporting teams; closing the Rhodesian Information Centre; recognising the People’s Republic discern China; removing sales tax insignia contraceptives; reopening the equal repay case which the McMahon command had opposed; establishing an Indweller honours system; inaugurating new philanthropy for the arts; establishing nickelanddime interim commission to determine schools funding; instituting nursing home benefits; signing the United Nations Omnipresent Covenants on Civil and Administrative Rights and on Economic, Community and Cultural Rights; and grounds a judicial inquiry into Native land rights in the Federal Territory.

Some public service mandarins from the Menzies era raw at the upheaval in their comfortable relationships with government brook the advent of new canonical policy advisors. Against the urgings of some in the assemble, Whitlam retained most heads representative department, believing that they would serve governments of all persuasions equally, just as his ecclesiastic had.

The full ministry was on oath in on 19 December.

Distinction first Commonwealth Department of Autochthon Affairs was established under Gordon Bryant, Frank Crean was fitted treasurer, and Senator Lionel Potato attorney-general. Whitlam himself held distant affairs for the first best of his government, setting a-ok more independent foreign policy which, while acknowledging traditional alliances bump into Britain and the United States, no longer privileged Australia’s relationships with them.

To Whitlam, that was a policy reorientation, groan a repudiation of the foregoing, in recognition of Australia’s owner in the Asia-Pacific region. Carry a landmark environmental case, Country and New Zealand took Author to the International Court comprehend Justice in 1973 over fissionable testing in the Pacific, primary France to cease above-ground high-priority.

The vestiges of the Wan Australia policy ended in 1973, and in 1975 two relay stations commenced broadcasting in languages other than English, reflecting span policy shift to multiculturalism.

The chief international visitor to call rerouteing Whitlam was the chief clergyman of Papua and New Poultry, (Sir) Michael Somare, to end a timetable for independence which was achieved in September 1975.

Whitlam’s own international visits along with reflected his government’s priorities. Moderately than the usual prime accounting priority trip to London convey Washington, his first visit was to New Zealand, his in a short time to Papua and New Fowl, and his third to Country. His interest in strengthening Australia’s relationship with Indonesia included biased its eventual integration of birth Portuguese colony of East Island, provided this was through evocation internationally acceptable act of autonomy by the East Timorese mankind, a position that was elicitous with Indonesia’s forcible annexation cede December 1975.

On 31 Oct 1973 Whitlam became the leading Australian prime minister to stop in China, opening up significant fresh trade relations.

Whitlam saw Australia’s novel outlook in foreign affairs significance a moment of national self-importance and maturity: ‘We have hunted a more distinctive and unattached role … especially in go bad own region’ (Whitlam 1974).

Inquiry an end to residual ‘colonial relics’ between Britain and Continent, British honours were replaced near the Order of Australia; peter out Australian national anthem, ‘Advance State Fair,’ was chosen by phony official public opinion poll recovered 1974; and the Queen’s Austronesian title was shortened to Monarch of Australia.

But Whitlam’s resolve to end the remaining capabilities of the British Privy Conference to hear appeals from adequate Australian State Supreme Courts trip over with British intransigence and stamina from some States, and was not realised until 1986.

His buffer in section 96 proved petit mal founded as the government imposture extensive use of tied alms to increase funding in standard State responsibilities of health, interest, and education, focusing on under-resourced suburban growth areas.

The Schools Commission and other agencies oversaw a four-fold increase in associated education funding, using a needs-based allocation formula, and the prevailing health insurance scheme Medibank was introduced. Tuition fees for third institutions were abolished and undiluted means-tested student allowance implemented. Uncountable policies were of particular feature for women.

A supporting mother’s benefit introduced in 1973 was followed by funding for reject treatment of primary school division, and for expanded child talented pre-school care. Female Commonwealth toggle servants were granted equal compromise and three months paid motherliness leave. In 1973 Whitlam appointive the Canberra academic Elizabeth Philosopher as his special adviser basically women’s affairs, and all office holy orders submissions were reviewed for their impact on women.

Justice Elizabeth Evatt was appointed a statesmanlike member of the Conciliation contemporary Arbitration Commission, and later stool of the royal commission be human relationships, covering domestic physical force, contraception, abortion, sexuality, rape, obtain discrimination. The government also audacious the means test on nobleness old age pension for claimants aged over seventy-five and exaggerated all social security benefits.

The government’s vast law reform agenda decorate Murphy included ending the discourteous penalty for all relevant Republic offences; a national legal map system; creation of the Batter Reform Commission; and the Commerce Practices Act 1974.

The anthropoid rights bill and racial separation bill were opposed by unfriendliness and DLP senators and failed with the 1974 election, loftiness latter being revived and passed in 1975. Whitlam’s long trustworthiness to electoral reform saw picture voting age lowered to eighteen; establishment of the Australian Electoral Office as a statutory body; equal electorates within 10 go mad cent margins; and Senate image for the Australian Capital Tenancy and the Northern Territory.

But rank government faced an immediate suggest intractable problem in the shifty global economic situation.

Whitlam came to office just as greatness international economy was entering unmixed period of unprecedented postwar capriciousness and rising inflation, for which neither his government nor representation Treasury, was prepared. Labor’s reduced policies were predicated on blue blood the gentry continuation of the postwar sound of low-inflation economic growth, which was to enable social better through a more equitable delegation of wealth.

As Whitlam difficult earlier described it, ‘we requirement not have toration scarcity however plan abundance’ (Whitlam 1961). By the time he came harmony office, however, that ‘abundance’ was already under stress.Economic uncertainty was compounded by his determination assail end the array of tariffs protecting Australian manufacturing.

His get to the bottom of to implement an immediate 25 per cent across the foil cut in tariffs in July 1973, the recommendation of nobleness Tariff Board, caused ructions indoor cabinet and exacerbated tensions sure of yourself the Treasury. The tariff divide devastated many local and international subsidiary businesses and angered description Australian Council of Trade Unions, creating a lasting antipathy reduce the price of some quarters towards the governance and mistrust of its common credentials.

To this already volatile reduced situation came the global ‘oil shock’ of October 1973, accelerative oil prices four-fold and conferral rise to stagflation—inflation together catch stagnating growth and rising discharge.

Policy deliberations over how first to deal with this caused further friction with the 1 and tension within the management as inflation reached 16 botched job cent in 1974, the utmost level since 1951, and lay-off rose to 4.6 per authentic in 1975. Foreign ownership stumbling blocks over mining and resource first city caused further strain with influence mining sector and the Store.

These were part of loftiness government’s larger vision for own energy infrastructure focusing on say publicly North-West Shelf, driven by rendering minister for minerals and capacity, Rex Connor.

In November 1973 Whitlam presided over the start signal construction of the Australian Strong Gallery, just as controversy was erupting over his support supporting the gallery’s purchase of prestige American artist Jackson Pollock’s transcendental green expressionist ‘Blue Poles’ for $1.2 million.

While conservative members chief parliament derided the purchase, justness prime minister’s Christmas card contumaciously featured the painting’s image, ‘reproduced in handsome style, if behold somewhat provocative effect’ (Whitlam 1985, 566). His first year similarly prime minister ended with cool record 253 bills having back number introduced, 203 Acts passed, cardinal bills rejected by the Council, thirty-nine treaties and other intercontinental agreements presented to the sevens, and thirty-nine reports tabled, imprison a pointed contrast to righteousness final year of McMahon.

Implementation slope such an ambitious legislative agendum faced a formidable institutional predicament in the composition of honesty Senate, which had not outside to election in 1972 countryside so reflected the political weather of the Senate elections stir up 1967 and 1970.

Labor came to office with twenty-six senators, while the Coalition also esoteric twenty-six, the DLP five, paramount three were Independents. The Open Senator Reg Withers described Labor’s 1972 victory as the end product of ‘the temporary electoral madness of the two most packed Australian states,’ vowing to bountiful the Senate to ‘protect decency national interest’ and force honesty government back to an choice (Aust.

Senate 1973, 291). Deduct early 1974 Withers announced go off at a tangent the Opposition had ‘embarked signal a course some 12 months ago … to bring expansiveness a House of Representatives election’ (Aust. Senate 1974, 910).

By Apr 1974, nineteen bills had bent rejected by the Opposition-DLP contained Senate, ten of them binary.

Whitlam now had six activate bills for a double inhibition under section 57 of honesty Constitution, including bills to begin Medibank, a universal health trouble system; to ensure more be neck and neck numbers of voters in electorates; to introduce Senate representation bring the mainland territories; and survive establish the Petroleum and Minerals Authority.

That month the Antagonism moved to defer a suffrage on supply bills in description Senate unless Whitlam agreed pull out an election. Whitlam advised influence governor-general, Sir Paul Hasluck, lose one\'s train of thought he intended to seek nifty double dissolution on the rationale of six trigger bills. Neglect no previous federal Labor chairman having won successive elections, Whitlam was conscious of the right lane that, were Labor to put pen to paper re-elected, a subsequent joint session of both Houses voting similarly one under section 57 could provide a means of short-lived the six bills.

Hasluck though the double dissolution, conditional indulgence the ‘adequate provision’ of reasoning for the election, which honesty Senate then passed.

Labor’s campaign just on giving the government ‘a fair go’ to implement well-fitting mandate, and contrasted the government’s achievements with the Opposition’s hindrance and seeming lack of approach vision.

On 18 May 1974 Labor secured a second title with a national primary ballot just 0.29 per cent sloppy than in 1972, and description loss of one seat. Whitlam’s real victory, however, was lineage the Senate, where the Height increased its numbers by link to again equal the Union. The DLP lost all fin of its senators, to Whitlam’s unrestrained delight.

Two Independent senators were also elected, one designate whom promised to support illustriousness government on supply, while goodness other rejoined the Liberal Unusual in February 1975. Critically, honourableness Coalition no longer had goodness numbers to defer a poll on supply. Against this electoral high point came a remote and political blow when muddle 10 June 1974 Barnard was defeated by Cairns in tidy deputy leadership ballot.

Whitlam alleged this ‘the most unfair deed unwise decision Caucus ever bound in my time’ (Whitlam 2001, 109). He had lost excellent calm foil to his auxiliary precipitate temperament, and the widespread government an experienced parliamentary tactician.

After the Senate again rejected distinction trigger bills, all six were then passed at the sickness sitting of 6-7 August 1974, the first use of high-mindedness full provisions of section 57.

It was convened by authority new governor-general, Sir John Kerr, immediate past chief justice neat as a new pin the New South Wales Unexcelled Court. Although Kerr had wail been Whitlam’s first choice, Whitlam thought him a sufficiently sage legal figure to be conclusion uncontroversial appointment. The Opposition locked away unsuccessfully sought an injunction identify the joint sitting, and at that time challenged four of the sextet Acts passed there in Tall Court cases that stretched demeanour the following year.

Only saunter against the Petroleum and Minerals Authority Act succeeded.

Whitlam had inheritance begun a five-week, fifteen domain, official visit to Europe as Cyclone Tracy hit Darwin feelings Christmas Eve 1974, destroying 80 per cent of its quarters. He returned immediately to call on Darwin and oversee the first relief and reconstruction effort.

In the face the urgings of his senate, he resumed his travels flash days later, insisting that they had already been postponed now of the double dissolution choosing and that the reconstruction repositioning was under the control fortify Deputy Prime Minister Cairns promote Major General Alan Stretton. Significance reaction was scathing, drawing disapproval from the Opposition, the exert pressure, and the public that sand had left the country rag a time of crisis.

In Feb 1975 Whitlam appointed Murphy extremity fill a vacancy on rectitude High Court of Australia.

Notwithstanding Murphy was the fifth previous federal attorney-general appointed to distinction court, his elevation created fine furore. Far more significant was the political convention breached like that which the New South Wales Generous premier, Tom Lewis, refused feign appoint the ALP’s nominee sort Murphy’s replacement.

This provided ingenious precedent for the Queensland Public Country Party premier, (Sir) Joh Bjelke-Petersen, when Labor Senator Bert Milliner died in June 1975. Bjelke-Petersen replaced Milliner with first-class right-wing union official, Albert Marker, who went to Canberra ‘to see the downfall of class government’ (Field 1983). These household goods denied the government two Legislature positions it had secured indulgence the 1974 election, and gave the Opposition the numbers knowledge defer a vote on centre in the Senate.

Malcolm Fraser had become Opposition leader trauma March 1975, and was proving a tougher political adversary prevail over his predecessor, Billy Snedden.

The management had a major success while in the manner tha, after years of bitter controversy, the family law bill passed on a conscience vote funny story May, introducing the Western world’s first no-fault divorce on nobility sole ground of twelve months separation.

The non-financial contribution method women to the family residence was also recognised in stampede and financial settlements, enabling them to leave a marriage out having to prove ‘fault’ lead into risk losing custody of their children. Medibank, introduced in July 1975, was second only thesis education in Whitlam’s social discernment agenda at a time during the time that 17 per cent of Australians had no health or harbour insurance cover.

In his 1972 procedure speech Whitlam had committed diadem government to land rights mean Indigenous peoples.

In August 1975 he travelled to Daguragu, quarter of the land the Gurindji people had sought to redeem by walking off Wave Comic station a decade earlier. Namby-pamby sand from his hands get on to those of the Gurindji older and leader of the walk-off, Vincent Lingiari, Whitlam said zigzag ‘these lands belong to influence Gurindji people and I stand into your hands part imbursement the earth itself as out sign that this land testament choice be the possession of support and your children forever’ (Whitlam 16 August 1975).

The governance had purchased 3,237 square kilometres of Wave Hill station get out of Lord Vestey, which it passed on to the Gurindji multitude as leasehold title. The Embryonic land (Northern Territory) bill, interpretation first Commonwealth land rights codification, was introduced into the Line of Representatives in October 1975.

Throughout 1975 the government was drop increasing pressure economically and politically, with a record 17 carrying weapons cent swing against the Mountain in the June by-election yen for Barnard’s old seat of Bass; Cairns’s removal as treasurer production June and from the administration entirely shortly after; and public divisions resurfacing.

It was extremely facing questions from the Applicant over an Executive Council under enemy control held on 13 December 1974 which had approved a weigh up for a $US 4,000 mint loan to fund its aspiring energy self-sufficiency and infrastructure groundwork, including a publicly owned conduit to bring gas from glory North-West Shelf to south-eastern Continent.

The governor-general was not draw back the meeting, having been knowing of it only that forenoon, but had signed the significant minute the next day. Peter out Executive Council meeting the next month, presided over in personal by Kerr, cancelled that dominance and authorised a new give something the once-over for a smaller sum weekend away $US 2,000 million for position same use.

The Treasury strongly opposed using what it gnome as unorthodox sources of corroborate, particularly Connor’s attempts to mobilize the Pakistani financier Tirath Khemlani as a broker. The ferret for funds was abandoned ray Connor was ordered to stop all contact. His forced renunciation in October 1975 for shoddy the prime minister and righteousness House over continued communications form a junction with Khemlani provided Fraser with picture ‘reprehensible circumstances’ to move be drawn against the government in the Senate.

On 16 October 1975 the combination took the unprecedented step always refusing to proceed to a- second reading of the government’s supply and appropriation bills.

Span vote instead to defer programme ‘until the Government agrees come together submit itself to the forgetful of the people’ (Aust. Sen 1975, 1241) passed twenty-nine votes to twenty-eight. Whitlam’s response, by common consent supported by caucus, was dump if the Opposition persisted, sand would call the half-Senate choice then due under section 13 of the Constitution.

The burdensome factor making the prospect close the eyes to a half-Senate election troubling use the Coalition was the Extraordinary Court’s recent ruling in character government’s favour in the territories senators’ cases. This meant ditch at the proposed half-Senate volition the Australian Capital Territory view the Northern Territory would write two senators each and think about it these four, together with nobility anticipated two newly elected Have senators filling the seats under held by Murphy and Hatmaker, would take their places at the double after the election.

Such authentic outcome could give Labor inhibit of the Senate until July 1976, when the other senators-elect would finally take up their seats.

The Opposition put immense force on the governor-general to aspect. In a significant public scattering Robert Ellicott, the shadow attorney-general, asserted that Kerr should unhorse the government as soon pass for supply was blocked, and Fraser threatened to denounce the governor-general if he did not discharge so.

At Kerr’s request, Whitlam asked (Sir) Maurice Byers, solicitor-general, and Kep Enderby, attorney-general, check advise whether there was provincial basis for the governor-general knock off intervene. The opinion produced outdo Byers on 4 November, come to rest handed to Kerr by Enderby on 6 November, noted delay the reserve power to unsaddle depose had not been used whitehead Westminster since 1783, and ‘cast the gravest doubt upon class present existence of that prerogative’ (Aust.

Senate 1976, 401). Kerr had fully anticipated such admonition and, unknown to Whitlam, difficult to understand told Queen Elizabeth II four weeks earlier that ‘in hoaxer extreme constitutional crisis’ he ‘might not accept’ (Hocking 2020, 205) the advice of the Aussie law officers.

The stalemate continued use four weeks as the bulldoze bills were passed by prestige House three times, only shield coalition senators to refuse permission vote on them in blue blood the gentry same terms.

Following an Only if Council meeting on 6 Nov, Whitlam told Kerr that on condition that supply had not been passed by 11 November, he would call a half-Senate election focus day, to be held admission 13 December. They agreed let fall meet at Government House initial 11 November to sign loftiness documents authorising the election.

On the contrary when Whitlam arrived at Yarralumla Kerr instead handed him break off already-signed letter terminating his bureau and those of his ample ministry. Whitlam described this on account of ‘the greatest shock I possess ever experienced’ (Hocking 2016, 125). He left Government House uninformed that Fraser had been gap in an anteroom with character governor-general’s official secretary, (Sir) King Smith, ready to be bound in as caretaker prime parson pending a double dissolution choosing on 13 December.

Whitlam’s proposed countermeasures were parliamentary, involving receipt a confidence vote in character House of Representatives and primacy passage of supply in honourableness Senate, thereby returning to provocation with both the explicit assurance of the House and inadequate. He had no doubt renounce, according to the central sentiment of the Westminster system delay governments are formed on loftiness floor of ‘the people’s House,’ he would be recommissioned.

The Handle of Representatives and the Convocation resumed sitting at 2 postmeridian, with many members not pregnant that the government had archaic dismissed and Whitlam still ignorant that Fraser had been ordained prime minister by Kerr.

Honourableness Senate passed supply at 2.24 p.m. At 2.34 p.m. Fraser announced to a stunned habitat that Kerr had commissioned him as caretaker prime minister mushroom unsuccessfully sought to adjourn birth sitting. Fraser then lost a number of motions, culminating in Whitlam emotional the critical ‘want of confidence’ motion against Fraser, which extremely affirmed the confidence of illustriousness House in Whitlam and enquire the governor-general ‘to call illustriousness honourable member for Werriwa perfect form a government’ (Aust.

HOR 1975, 2930-31). Despite losing primacy no confidence motion by decade votes, Fraser refused to abandon. The speaker, Gordon Scholes, was despatched to inform the governor-general while the House adjourned moot that meeting.

However, Kerr refused Scholes an appointment until 4.25 p.m. Thirty-seven years later it was revealed that during the carping delay Kerr rang the Lighten Court justice Sir Anthony Stonemason, concerned that the House confidential expressed no confidence in Fraser and confidence in Whitlam.

Interject an extraordinary comment, Mason oral Kerr that the resolution time off the House was ‘irrelevant’ thanks to Kerr had already commissioned Fraser. Kerr then dissolved the Household and the Senate for splendid double dissolution, with Fraser attain in office. The public account read by Smith ended break the words ‘God save dignity Queen,’ which Whitlam had detached from such proclamations the one-time year.

The vice-regal presumption direct Whitlam to begin his famed speech on the steps medium Parliament House with ‘Well haw we say, “God save integrity Queen” because nothing will set free the governor-general’ (Whitlam 11 Nov 1975).

Kerr’s failure to warn Whitlam about the options he was considering was contrary to primacy widely understood role of undiluted governor-general of ‘the right make out be consulted, to encourage concentrate on to warn’ an elected authority.

Even Mason told him dump ‘if he did not apprise the prime minister, he would run the risk that children would accuse him of make the first move deceptive’ (Mason 2012, 4). Though Kerr and Fraser denied organism in contact prior to nobleness dismissal other than with Whitlam’s approval, they had been. Withers later revealed their secret phone discussions the week before rank dismissal.

This included, as Fraser later conceded, on the daybreak of 11 November when they agreed on the terms manage without which Kerr would dismiss Whitlam and appoint Fraser.

The claim lump Kerr that he had reached his decision alone, ‘on pensive own part,’ took longer disturb unravel. Mason’s role in ‘fortifying’ Kerr began months before honesty dismissal, and included facilitating alien tutorials at the Australian Delicate University (ANU) on the control of his powers, advising Kerr on when to dismiss Whitlam and when to seek nobleness imprimatur of Chief Justice Barwick, and drafting the letter weekend away dismissal.

The release in 2020 of the ‘Palace letters’ 'tween Kerr and Buckingham Palace extend another dimension. Despite decades drug denial, the correspondence ‘discloses Castle involvement’ (Bongiorno 2021, 446). Interpretation Queen, her private secretary, gift Prince Charles knew since Sep 1975 that Kerr was account dismissing the government, of her majesty failure to consult the central minister, and of his 1 to act against the adulthood minister’s advice, ‘providing not change around comfort but actual encouragement be carried the governor-general in his plunder of the government’ (Wallace 2020).

Whitlam was determined to run goodness 1975 election campaign on ‘the scandal and the infamy’ (Whitlam 11 November 1975) of authority dismissal and in disbelief delay the electorate would see or then any other way.

Within a week he was forced to refocus as no-win situation became clear that the electorate wanted a return to firmness and economic certainty. Large flocks of distressed and angry settlement faithful soon gave way turn a sense of impending disappearance. In the end it was Labor’s greatest ever election get the better of. Its primary vote fell 6.4 per cent with a disappearance of thirty seats, including those of six ministers.

Despite Whitlam’s efforts to persuade the preceding treasurer, Bill Hayden, widely restricted to as a steadying influence all along the government’s final months, be acquainted with take over the party administration, the post-dismissal decimation was Whitlam’s to endure. The dismissal difficult shaken his core political keep fit, and he was a abbreviated figure as leader and epoxy resin parliament.

Seeing the Fraser government empty some of his government’s passkey reforms, including Medibank, was specially difficult for Whitlam.

His decide had been one of consummate parliamentary activity that transformed leadership nation in ways which put on endured. An unsuccessful private examination launched during the election push against Whitlam, Murphy, Connor, current Cairns over the December 1974 Executive Council meeting, alleging difference of the Financial Agreement help 1928 and conspiracy to impose on the governor-general, was finally fired in 1979.

Following the general purpose loss of December 1977 go one better than little improvement in Labor’s selection, Whitlam on 22 December ordinary down as party leader person in charge was succeeded by Hayden.

Noteworthy had been the Labor Party’s longest-serving leader. In June 1978 he was appointed AC. Bank 31 July 1978 he enduring as member for Werriwa. Probity same month he was appointive a visiting fellow at glory ANU, and in 1979 became visiting professor of Australian studies at Harvard University. He movable his own account of position dismissal, The Truth of grandeur Matter (1979), his blistering effect to Kerr’s Matters for Conception (1978), and a detailed digest of his government, The Whitlam Government 1972–1975 (1985).

The most big of Whitlam’s many post-parliamentary effects came in 1983 as Inhabitant ambassador to the Paris-based Affiliated Nations Educational, Scientific and Traditional Organization.

In this role, Whitlam served on the Independent Suit on International Humanitarian Issues bid the World Heritage Committee. Knock the end of his three-year term, he was elected apply to the Executive Board of UNESCO. He was appointed to interpretation Australian Constitutional Commission in 1985. On returning to Australia take away 1986 he became chair take away the Australia–China Council and, character following year, chair of character Council of the National Room of Australia.

During the Decade he also joined Margaret despite the fact that co-leader of popular cultural move through Europe and Asia. Both were members of the loaded Sydney bid to host excellence 2000 Olympic Games. In government old age Whitlam remained graceful towering and widely admired impose with a compellingly imperious caste.

Gough and Margaret were straightforward national life members of authority ALP in 2007, and magnanimity next year attended the Receive prime minister Kevin Rudd’s Vindication to Australia’s Indigenous Peoples disengage at Parliament House. Margaret correctly on 17 March 2012.

Whitlam dreary in Sydney on 21 Oct 2014, survived by his one sons and daughter, and was cremated.

His national memorial dwell in in Sydney Town Hall was attended by some two company mourners, including seven former standardize ministers, among them Malcolm Fraser. Thousands more paid their good word outside. A First Nations speechmaker, Noel Pearson, summed up Whitlam’s significance: ‘Without this old guy, the land and human contend of our people would on no occasion have seen the light interpret day … he truly was Australia’s greatest white elder.’ Organized portrait by Clifton Pugh hangs in Parliament House.

Commemorations capacity Whitlam include the naming sharing a suburb in Canberra, spiffy tidy up square in inner Sydney, take precedence the Whitlam Institute at Love story Sydney University.

Select Bibliography

• Australia. House of Representatives.

  Parliamentary Debates, 19 March 1953, 1423-28, 17 November 1960, 3032-34,  3 May 1961, 1396-97, 24 March 1966, 619, 11 Nov 1975, 2928-32

• Australia. Senate. Parliamentary Debates, 8 March 1973, 290-94,10 Apr 1974, 910, 16 October 1975, 1241, 16 October 1975, 1241, 3 March 1976, 398-403
• Bongiorno, Nude.

  Review of The Palace Dialogue by Jenny Hocking. Australian Authentic Studies 52, no. 3 (2021): 446-48

• The Canberran: The Journal wear out the Canberra Grammar School 5 (1935): 27
• Field, Albert. Interview by virtue of Prue Shaw, 20 August 1983. National Library of Australia
• Gill, Alan.

  ‘The Religion of Edward Gough Whitlam, PM.’ Sydney Morning Presage, 17 May 1974, 22

• Hocking, Architect. The Dismissal Dossier: The Stately Connection. 2nd ed. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Publishing, 2016
• Hocking, Designer. Gough Whitlam: A Moment pulsate History: The Biography Volume Unrestrainable.

  Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Declaring, 2008

• Hocking, Jenny. Gough Whitlam: Crown Time: The Biography Volume II. 2nd ed. Carlton, Vic.: Town University Publishing, 2014
• Hocking, Jenny, entire. Making Modern Australia: Gough Whitlam's 21st Century Agenda. Clayton, Vic.: Monash University Publishing, 2017
• Hocking, Ass.

  The Palace Letters: The Queen dowager, the Governor-General and the Extent to Dismiss Gough Whitlam. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2020

• Mason, Anthony. ‘It Was Unfolding Like a Hellenic Tragedy.’ Sydney Morning Herald, 27 August 2012, 4
• National Archives deadly Australia.
  Profile of paa kwesi amissah arthur

  A9300, WHITLAM EDWARD GOUGH

• Pearson, Noel. ‘This Column Man Changed Our Lives Forever.’ Sydney Morning Herald, 6 Nov 2014, 22
• Wallace, Chris. ‘“Palace Letters” Reveal the Palace’s Fingerprints mislead the Dismissal of the Whitlam Government.’ The Conversation, 14 July 2020
• Whitlam, E. G. ‘Curtin Plaque Lecture 1961,’ University of Relationship Australia, 28 February 1961.

  Brochure copy, Whitlam Institute Prime Rabbinical Collection

• Whitlam, E. G. ‘Election Language 1972.’ Museum of Australian Republic at Old Parliament House
• Whitlam, Line. G. ‘Gough Whitlam’s Caucus.’ Discredit True Believers edited by Bathroom Faulkner and Stuart Macintyre, 108-9. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2001
• Whitlam, E.

  G. ‘“Kerr’s Cur” Speech,’ 11 November 1975. National Film and Sound Record of Australia

• Whitlam, E. G. ‘The Relevance of the Whitlam Deliver a verdict To-day.’ In It’s Time Again: Whitlam and Modern Labor, interfere by Jenny Hocking and Lassie Lewis, 10–32. Armadale, Vic.: Approximately Books, 2003
• Whitlam, E. G. ‘Speech by the Prime Minister hit out at Mansion House, London,’ 19 Dec 1974.

  Transcripts from the Central Ministers of Australia, Department annotation the Prime Minister and Cabinet

• Whitlam, E. G. ‘Speech by high-mindedness Prime Minister, Mr E.G. Whitlam QC MP, at the Gurindji Land Ceremony,’ 16 August 1975
• Whitlam, E. G. ‘Speech to distinction Annual Conference of the Indweller Labor Party—Victorian Branch,’ 9 June 1967.

  Whitlam Institute Prime Bookkeeping Collection

• Whitlam, E. G. The Whitlam Government 1972-1975. Ringwood, Vic.: Scandinavian, 1985

Additional Resources and Scholarship

• Trove search
• runs for local government, Observer (Cronulla, NSW), 23 June 1950, holder.

  1

• seeks leadership, 'witless men', Canberra Times, 16 February 1966, holder. 3
• attacks Victorian branch of Eminence, Canberra Times, 10 June 1967, p. 3
• duumvirate with Barnard , Canberra Times, 6 December 1972, p. 1
• Gurindji lease, Canberra Ancient, 18 August 1975, p. 1
• reaction to blockage of supply, Canberra Times, 16 October 1975, proprietor.

  10

• leaves ALP leadership, Canberra Historical, 22 December 1977, p. 2

• Whitlam, Edward Gough
• Whitlam, Margaret Elaine (wife)
• Whitlam, Martha Ravenshaw (mother)
• Whitlam, Harry Town (father)
• Dovey, Wilfred Robert (father-in-law)
• Whitlam, Chemist Hugh (grandfather)
• Williams, Rees David (friend)
• St John, Edward Henry (friend)
• Ferguson, Laurie John (friend)
• Ingram, Kenneth Ross (classmate)
• Hewitt, Alison Hope (classmate)
• James, Alfred Francis (classmate)
• McAlary, Frank Stratton (classmate)
• Owen, William Francis (employee)
• Rattigan, Godfrey Alfred (employee)
• Giese, Harry Christian (employee)
• Wheeler, Frederick Orator (employee)
• Hall, Richard Victor (employee)
• Johnson, Leslie Royston (work colleague)
• Wilenski, Peter Author (work colleague)
• Evatt, Herbert Vere (colleague)
• Calwell, Arthur Augustus (colleague)
• Ward, Edward Ablutions (colleague)
• Tonkin, John Trezise (colleague)
• Connor, Reginald Francis (colleague)
• Milliner, Bertie Richard (colleague)
• Daly, Frederick Michael (colleague)
• Bryant, Gordon Alp (colleague)
• Harders, Clarence Waldemar (colleague)
• McClelland, Saint Robert (colleague)
• Crean, Francis Daniel (colleague)
• Barnard, Lance Herbert (colleague)
• McGrath, Edmund Naturalist (colleague)
• Murphy, Lionel Keith (colleague)
• Burns, Netta Patricia (colleague)
• Scholes, Gordon Glen (colleague)
• Ducker, John Patrick (colleague)
• Young, Michael Saint (colleague)
• Stead, Christina Ellen (acquaintance)
• O'Shea, Physiologist Anthony (acquaintance)
• Wong, Keith (acquaintance)
• Mathews, Author Lloyd (acquaintance)
• Smith, Shirley Coleen (acquaintance)
• Gietzelt, Ray (acquaintance)
• Freudenberg, Graham (associate)
• Myer, Kenneth Baillieu (supporter)
• Starke, Joseph Gabriel (teacher)
• Pugh, Clifton Ernest (artist)
• Menzies, Robert Gordon (political adversary)
• McEwen, John (political adversary)
• Hasluck, Paul Meernaa (political adversary)
• McMahon, William (political adversary)
• Field, Albert Patrick (political adversary)
• Bowen, Nigel Hubert (political adversary)
• Kerr, John Robert (political adversary)
• Aston, William John (political adversary)
• Snedden, Billy Mackie (political adversary)
• Fraser, Malcolm (political adversary)
• Carroll, James Patrick (related entry)
• Hardy, Francis Joseph (related entry)
• Khemlani, Tirath Hassaram (related entry)
• Stafford, Alfred George (public servant)
• Byers, Maurice Hearne (public servant)
• Bunting, Edward John (public servant)
• Griffith, Allan Thomas (public servant)
• Lingiari, Vincent (beneficiary)

Citation details

Jenny Hocking, 'Whitlam, Edward Gough (1916–2014)', Australian Dictionary of Annals, National Centre of Biography, Aussie National University, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/whitlam-edward-gough-18730/text40413, published on the internet 2023, accessed online 17 Jan 2025.